What were the things that set Hahnemann apart from other doctors
of his day – other, that is, than the system of medicine he had
discovered? A key difference, undoubtedly, is that Hahnemann expected
his patients to consult him at his practice; with few exceptions,
he refused to make house calls. ‘[…] In order that we do not waste
our valuable time, and compromise our dignity, we must not make
house calls to any chronically sick person –though he be a Prince
– if that person is able to come to our practice. It is only the
acutely ill, bed-ridden patients whom we should visit. Those who
are able to get out and about and yet refuse to come to us for
their consultation – well let them stay away. That’s all there
is to say on the matter. All this running about after patients
as the allopaths do is demeaning. You arrive to see the patient
and are turned away by the housemaid: the master is at the theatre,
has gone out, etc. Pah! You must go on to a second then a third
patient, just like an allopath, or a beggar. Pah! […]’ [1] Thus
wrote Hahnemann in 1829 in a letter to the homeopath Dr Johann
Heinrich Wilhelm Ehrhardt (1794-1848) in Merseburg. Hahnemann
kept to this rule even after he moved to Paris, despite the fact
that his high-ranking Parisian clientèle were used to having their
doctor visit them at their residence. Two years before he died,
Hahnemann wrote to his friend and favourite pupil Clemens von
Bönninghausen, that patients ‘must come to [my] practice, if they
are able to get out and about, however noble they may be’. He
justifies this as follows: ‘[…] for I consider it to be beneath
the dignity of a true doctor to have to run about after patients
who are able to come to me. I will only take my carriage to visit
those patients who are confined to bed.’ [2] During the years
he practised in Leipzig (1811-1821), it seems Hahnemann handed
over all house calls to his son Friedrich. [3]
How did Hahnemann treat his higher ranking patients, above all
the Duke, to whom he was personal physician? Did he make an exception
in his case? As far as we can tell from the case books, treatment
of the Duke took place mostly via intermediaries. In other words,
for the most part Hahnemann did not visit the Duke in his castle,
and the Duke did not come to Hahnemann’s practice – something
that would have been viewed as being beneath him. Here therefore
we find that remains of the traditional patronage system – which
characterised the doctor–patient relationship to the end of the
18th century, and to an extent into the 19th
– are still intact.
What was unusual in those days, is now the norm. Homeopaths have
their consulting hours at their practice just like any other doctors,
and where necessary, they make house calls. But in contrast to
Hahnemann’s practice, nowadays it is very rare for a consultation
to take place by letter. The telephone has replaced the post,
and many homeopaths now have call-in times for their patients
to speak with them over the phone. However, a telephonic consultation
generally lasts a shorter length of time than a face-to-face consultation.
Markus Mortsch has shown that the ratio of personal to postal
consultations in the early years of Hahnemann’s Köthen practice
was 3:1.
But it is not only methods of communication that have changed
over the last hundred years. Hahnemann treated a not inconsiderable
number of his patients long distance, i.e. without having the
patient in front of him. But only a very small number of these
were people whose case-taking and treatment took place exclusively
by correspondence. And this despite the fact that many of his
patients did not live in the vicinity, indeed, they often lived
far away, sometimes beyond the borders of the German Empire. Nowadays,
because of the extraordinary developments in transport (car, rail
and plane), patients are more mobile. There are also more homeopaths
than in Hahnemann’s time. Indeed, Hahnemann complained that after
the death of his patron, Duke Friedrich von Anhalt-Köthen, no
more homeopaths were permitted to practise in the State. This
explains his bemoaning, in a letter to Clemens von Bönninghausen
in 1832, ‘and so I have no-one to whom I can send my great excess
of patients.’ [4]
Compliance – or: the willingness of the patient to participate
in the healing process
The doctor–patient relationship is put under the greatest strain
when the patient does not follow the treatment prescribed by the
doctor. We know that Hahnemann generally reacted in a surly manner
to such patients. His patients were clearly aware of his sensitivity
on this matter, and so attempted to justify – to a greater or
lesser extent – any omissions or straying from the treatment plan.
Here, for example, is Antonie Volkmann, wife of the Lord Justice
of Leipzig, writing to Hahnemann: ‘[…] Esteemed Sir, You appear
to believe that I have been taking other medication, or not keeping
to my diet. But neither of the above have yet come to pass. Right
up to the last time I was unwell I have taken no other medication,
even by olfaction, and as to my diet, I keep to it if anything
excessively strictly rather than too laxly.’ [5] And in a later
letter this patient asks explicitly if it is really advisable
to take ‘the camphor tincture as prescribed’ [6] for cholera prevention,
as she had once before had serious side-effects from this. In
this case Hahnemann bows to the patient’s wishes. And on other
occasions he also shows himself willing to compromise, but only
in matters concerning the method of administration of homeopathic
remedies.
This applied particularly to the olfaction of homeopathic remedies,
a practice Hahnemann found to be extremely effective, but which
he did not feel he could prescribe for all his patients. We learn
this in a letter he wrote to Bönninghausen in 1833: ‘But I am
not doing this [i.e. prescribing olfaction – RJ] yet, as the public
is accustomed to taking powders – even if there is nothing in
them. My foreign patients, those from Denmark, Russia and several
from France, who have become more acquainted with this practice,
are given – and indeed demand to be given – their medication by
olfaction.’ [7] Only recently a classical homeopath recounted
similar acceptance problems to me. She told me that she successfully
prescribed the olfaction of remedies for her family and friends,
but that the idea was met with great scepticism by her other patients,
to whom she generally prescribed, therefore, globules, powders
or tinctures.
And what about those patients who broke off their treatment,
who for various reasons decided not to continue with homeopathy?
Hahnemann of course had such patients. But for the most part we
know nothing about their motives, for they are never mentioned
again in the case books – though we cannot exclude the possibility
that this is because they had died or perhaps were completely
cured. It is only by chance, therefore, that we occasionally learn
of the reasons that led particular patients not to continue to
seek Hahnemann’s advice. One such case is that of a young patient
by the name of Jenny von Pappenheim, whom Hahnemann treated in
1829-30 for depression caused by an unhappy love affair. We find
the following entry in his case book for 17 February 1830: ‘[…]
she feels she is no longer in need of my assistance. If she were
to experience a relapse, however, she may call on my beneficial
services once more, which have freed her so happily from her burdensome
ills, and restored to her her youth and health.’ [8] But this
is less a case of her and Hahnemann agreeing to break off the
treatment, than of the treatment’s having been successful; in
the event of a relapse, it would be continued with no difficulty.
There were other reasons too for people recommencing treatment
they had previously broken off. For example, there is the case
of the Captain from Erfurt whose professional responsibilities
meant he was forced to interrupt his treatment, but he re-established
contact with Hahnemann some time later. [9]
And on the subject of patients who broke off their treatment,
we are finally in a position to be able to solve the mystery surrounding
the case-history of one of the most famous of Hahnemann’s patients.
It has long been a matter for speculation why the famous violinist
Nicolò Paganini only consulted Hahnemann twice. It had been assumed
that Hahnemann’s treatment of this severely ill musician, with
doses of Pulsatilla, had been unsuccessful. Paganini, after all,
already had a long history of illness. However, as I discovered
thanks to a serendipitous find in the Library of Congress in Washington
D.C., the truth is actually much more banal. The doctor–patient
relationship was put under severe strain due to Paganini falling
madly in love with Hahnemann’s young wife, Mélanie d’Hervilly,
at his very first consultation. Mélanie was working at that time
as her husband’s assistant, and she also treated some patients
herself – though only those without means. A strongly worded letter
from Mélanie to the enamoured patient, in which she gave him to
understand that he could not hope for any reciprocation of his
love, led to both sides preferring not to continue with the treatment.
[10]
Alongside the few dissatisfied patients, given their marching
orders by Hahnemann, there were a remarkably large number who
stayed faithful to their doctor, even when their treatment was
only moderately successful. Many of these patients followed Hahnemann’s
instructions to the letter – some even went beyond that. Karl
Höde from Ziebigk, for example, admits to Hahnemann in a letter
that he had been taking the medication sent to him more frequently
than prescribed. [11] And then last but not least, there were
the patients who couldn’t get enough instructions from Hahnemann.
Of Frau Kranske from Leipzig, for example, Hahnemann wrote in
his case book on 13 April 1830 that she was ‘very sensitive to
my refusal to write more often’. [12] Hahnemann was clearly not
prepared to write to his patient more often than he felt her case
warranted.
The question of payment
Lastly, we come to the matter of paying for the medical services
rendered, another factor that plays a role in the doctor–patient
relationship. It played an even bigger role in Hahnemann’s day
than in ours, given that for the most part now state or private
health insurers and doctors’ professional associations take care
of the financial side of things between themselves, without the
direct involvement of the patient.
Hahnemann required his patients to pay for their treatment in
advance, and in cash – something that was most unusual for the
time. We can see how his pricing and billing system worked from
descriptions such as the following, which is by his pupil Dr Franz
Hartmann: ‘The cheapest price for 6 numbered powders, only one
of which was medicated, and either 3 or 2 of which were to be
taken daily, was 16 gute Groschen. The rich were charged between
1 Thaler 8 gute Groschen and 2 Thaler – or else he had them pay
the sum of 10–12 Louisd’or in advance, which after some time he
demanded of them ad libitum again.’ [13] It was this last practice
in particular, that of payment in advance, that some of his contemporaries
felt went against the grain, despite the fact that it was common
at the time for well-to-do patients to engage a personal physician
on an ongoing basis, whom they paid a flat fee. This fee, however,
was only payable at the end of the year, which meant the debtor
could delay, reduce or even refuse payment.
Hahnemann seems to have been more aware of the morals of many
patients when it came to settling bills than most of his opponents
who – afraid of the competition he posed – accused him of avarice.
Hahnemann can be seen to have been a realist and pragmatist in
this regard, a man with his finger firmly on the pulse of the
business side of running a medical practice. One of the most vivid
accounts we have of his views on this matter is contained in a
letter he wrote to his pupil Friedrich Rummel (1793-1854), from
Köthen on 19 May: ‘[…] and so the purely homeopathic doctor is
also advised to value his infinitely better form of treatment
highly enough, and thus to get a better price for it; the chronically
sick, at least, should pay a monthly fee (preferably in advance),
and the little man should pay an amount at each consultation and
prescription – even if it is only a few Groschen each time – accipe
dum dolet. In this way the doctor shall never leave empty handed,
and he remains of good cheer seeing cash in return for his efforts.
These small sums, if paid without fail on each and every occasion,
grow imperceptibly into a larger amount, and the patient who pays
each time barely notices a dent in his pocket, as he is paying
only little by little, so that when he is well again, or breaks
off his treatment prematurely, we are finished with him: he has
nothing to demand of us, and we nothing of him. He parts from
us, if not with satisfaction and thanks, then at least never with
ill-will – he has forgotten all about that which he has paid out
over time, and the doctor has what is reasonably due to him, and
it accumulates, without any vexation on the part of the patient,
in his doctor’s purse.’ [14]
We can see from the case books and the patient letters we have
that most patients were willing to pay Hahnemann’s charges, which
were by no means cheap. This goes for the less well-off amongst
them too, who often had to plunder their meagre savings to find
the money necessary for a course of homeopathic treatment, which
was not necessarily cheaper than allopathic treatment, and which
might continue for a considerable length of time. Friederike Lutze,
one of Hahnemann’s many female patients makes it plain in another
of her letters to Hahnemann that such financial worries often
added to the woes experienced by patients: ‘[…] my protracted
illness has already cost me dearly, and the worry of how I am
to meet these costs is not the least of the anxieties that weigh
me down and fill me with fear.’ [15] Against this background we
can see what an achievement it is that in some countries state
medical insurance now covers, to a certain extent, the cost of
homeopathic treatment, thus lifting from patients’ shoulders the
burden of this financial worry.
[1] Cf. letter
from Hahnemann to Dr Ehrhardt in Merseburg of 24.8.1829 in Richard
Haehl, Samuel Hahnemann: sein Leben und Schaffen. 2 vols. Leipzig
1922, II, p. 153.
[2] Letter of 27.5.1841, published in Martin Stahl, Der Briefwechsel
zwischen Samuel Hahnemann und Clemens von Bönninghausen. Heidelberg
1997, p. 137f.
[3] Allgemeine Homöopathische Zeitung (AHZ )107 (1883), No. 11,
p. 90.
[4] Letter of 13.5.1832, published in Stahl, Briefwechsel, p.
57.
[5] Letter of 23.8.1831, published in Reinhard Hickmann, Das Psorische
Leiden der Antonie Volkmann. Edition und Kommentar einer Krankengeschichte
aus Hahnemanns Krankenjournalen von 1819-1831. Heidelberg 1996,
p. 377.
[6] Letter of 2.9.1831, published in Hickmann, Leiden, p. 382.
[7] Letter of 28.4.1833, published in Stahl, Briefwechsel, p.
84.
[8] Case book D34, Edition Fischbach-Sabel, p. 35.
[9] Letter of 20.6.1832, Institute for the History of Medicine
of the Robert Bosch Foundation, Stuttgart (IGM) Archive B 32752.
[10] Cf. on this subject my article on Paganinis Besuch bei Hahnemann,
in: AHZ 237 (1992), S. 191-200. The love letter, that I found in
a Washington archive, is unpublished.
[11] Cf. letter of 2.7.1832, IGM Archive B 321745.
[12] Case book D34, Edition Fischbach-Sabel, p. 203.
[13] Franz Hartmann, Aus Hahnemanns Leben [From Hahnemann’s Life].
In: AHZ 26 (1844), col. 185. Cf. also Haehl II, p. 152. [14] Published
in Haehl II, p. 152f.
[15] Letter of 24.6.1832, IGM Archive B 32795.
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